Ballot boxes have redrawn Bangladesh’s political map. In the first general election since last year’s uprising swept Sheikh Hasina from power, voters handed the Bangladesh Nationalist Party a commanding mandate, clearing the path for Tarique Rahman to take the helm in Dhaka. The scale of the victory signals not just a change of government, but a decisive shift in the country’s political direction.
For Muhammad Yunus, the Nobel laureate who stepped in to steady the nation after the unrest, the result marks the closing of an extraordinary chapter. Brought back to lead a caretaker administration at a moment of upheaval, he now prepares to hand over power, leaving behind a reform blueprint and a country poised between renewal and renewed rivalry.
Who won and by how much?
According to the Election Commission’s latest figures, the BNP has won 209 seats out of the 297 announced so far. The party declared on X that it is “set to form the government after winning the majority of seats”.
Jamaat-e-Islami, previously banned under Hasina’s government, secured 68 seats, its strongest showing yet, and is set to become the main opposition in the 350-member Jatiya Sangsad, which includes 50 nominated members.
The National Citizen Party (NCP), born out of the student protests that toppled Hasina, won six seats. Its leader, Nahid Islam, captured Dhaka-11, becoming one of the youngest MPs in the new parliament. The NCP contested the election in alliance with Jamaat.
Other parties and independents shared the remaining seats. Voting took place in 299 constituencies instead of 300 due to a candidate’s death, while a court barred publication of results in Chattogram-3 and Chattogram-8, leaving 297 declared outcomes.
The Election Commission reported voter turnout at 59.88 per cent, describing the polls as among the most peaceful and credible in decades.
Reuters, citing the Commission, reported slightly different tallies, 181 seats for the BNP and 61 for Jamaat, as final confirmations are still pending.
Was the result expected?
The scale of the BNP’s victory had been widely anticipated. The party rode a wave of anger over unemployment and rising prices and capitalised on the momentum of last year’s student-led uprising.
By May 2025, it was also staging rallies against the interim administration, pressing for early elections and concessions.
Hasina’s Awami League was barred from contesting. She fled to India after 15 years in power and faces convictions from the International Crimes Tribunal.
Rahman, son of former prime minister Khaleda Zia, returned from self-imposed exile in the United Kingdom weeks before the vote. He had left Bangladesh in 2008, citing politically motivated persecution.
What about claims of irregularities?
Despite the decisive outcome, allegations have surfaced. Both the BNP and the NCP have spoken of irregularities and possible “election engineering”, though neither has offered detailed evidence.
Jamaat also expressed dissatisfaction. In a statement on Facebook, it said, “We are not satisfied with the process surrounding the election results. From candidates of the 11-party alliance narrowly and suspiciously losing in various constituencies, to repeated inconsistencies and fabrications in unofficial result announcements, the Election Commission’s reluctance to publish voter turnout percentages, and indications that a section of the administration leaned towards a major party, all of this undoubtedly raises serious questions about the integrity of the results process.”
The party has urged supporters to await official confirmation.
What happened to the July Charter?
Alongside parliamentary voting, Bangladesh held a referendum on the “July Charter”, a reform roadmap drafted by Yunus’s caretaker government after the uprising.
According to the Election Commission, 60.26 per cent of voters backed the charter. Early counts reported by The Daily Star suggested 72.9 per cent in favour and 27.1 per cent opposed.
The charter outlines more than 80 proposals for constitutional and institutional reform, including stronger judicial independence, enhanced women’s representation, prime ministerial term limits, expanded presidential powers, and the creation of a 100-member upper chamber alongside the existing parliament.
The BNP has said it will support implementation.
What next for Muhammad Yunus?
Yunus assumed office in August 2024 after student leaders requested that he head an interim administration. He repeatedly insisted he had “no desire to be part of the next elected government”, defining his task as ensuring a peaceful transition.
He described the political system he inherited as “completely broken” and pushed for safeguards against a return to one-party dominance. A referendum endorsement strengthens the moral case for reform, but implementation now rests with the incoming government.
His tenure was not without controversy. Critics pointed to his perceived closeness to protest movements and questioned his government’s handling of detentions. Reform, accountability, and stability did not always sit easily together, and difficult decisions cost him support among parts of Dhaka’s elite.
Reports from London suggested Rahman had floated the idea of Yunus becoming president if the BNP came to power. Those close to Yunus deny any interest in such a role. With proposed reforms expanding presidential authority, Rahman may prefer a more compliant figure.
Yet Yunus retains considerable standing abroad, unmatched by any other Bangladeshi political figure. Some argue that a domestically focused prime minister paired with an internationally respected president could serve the country well.
For now, Yunus appears set to step aside once constitutional formalities conclude. Whether he is remembered as the steady hand who guided Bangladesh through a volatile transition, or as a brief custodian in a divided system, will depend on how durable the post-election settlement proves to be.
Disclaimer : This story is auto aggregated by a computer programme and has not been created or edited by DOWNTHENEWS. Publisher: ZEE News
