TEHRAN – In the Persian Gulf, the islands of Abu Musa, Greater Tunb, and Lesser Tunb have long stood as enduring symbols of Iran’s sovereignty. The renewed mention of the islands in the final communique of a Persian Gulf Arab summit in Bahrain was not a mere diplomatic formality, but part of a broader geopolitical maneuver. The statement, which condemned what it called Iran’s “continued occupation” of the islands, was swiftly rejected by Tehran.
Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baqaei dismissed the communique of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (P)GCC as “unfounded and invalid.” Ali Akbar Velayati, senior adviser to the Leader of the Islamic Revolution, was even more direct: “The three islands will remain an inseparable part of Iran” and criticized the UAE’s “adventurous policies.” Velayati added: “For years, the United Arab Emirates has hidden the regrettable truths of its foreign policy from public opinion. Now that the true nature of its adventurous policies has come to light, silence in the face of such harmful conduct is no longer an option.”
The historical record supports Iran’s position. The islands were placed under British control in 1921, but sovereignty was never ceded. On November 30, 1971, just two days before the United Arab Emirates was formally declared a federation, Iran restored its sovereignty over the islands. Since then, Iran’s stance has been consistent: the islands are integral to its territorial integrity, and any claim to the contrary is a distortion of history.
Bahrain’s irony
Hossein Shariatmadari, the managing editor of the influential Kayhan newspaper, turned attention to Bahrain’s support for the UAE’s claims. He reminded readers that Bahrain was once part of Iran, separated through an “illegal arrangement” between Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (the Shah of Iran, deposed in 1979) and Western powers.
Shariatmadari explained: “Among the member states of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, Bahrain’s alignment with the others carries a distinct dimension, because Bahrain was once part of Iran’s territory. It was separated from Iran through an illegal planning between the deposed Shah and the US and UK governments. Today, the primary demand of the Bahraini people is the return of this province—severed from Iran—to its original homeland, Islamic Iran. It is self-evident that this inalienable right of Iran and of the people of that separated province must not, and cannot, be ignored.”
He added that the promised referendum on Bahrain’s future was never held among its people, but staged through tribal leaders and ultimately decided by Britain and the United States. Linking this history to today’s politics, Shariatmadari added: “These Arab leaders have never taken a stance inconsistent with the officially declared demands of the United States and Israel and therefore, the recent statement of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, which is even more brazen than its previous ones, cannot be considered unrelated to the defeat of the United States and Israel in the recent 12-day war (with Iran).”
The June war and its lessons
Israel’s unprovoked June war on Iran killed over 1,000 Iranians, most of them civilians. The US later joined Israel in targeting three Iranian nuclear facilities. Yet despite the scale of the operation, Israel and the US failed to achieve their objectives: eliminating Iran’s nuclear program, dismantling its military capabilities, sowing chaos, and forcing regime change.
Former Israeli Air Force commander Maj.-Gen. (res.) Eitan Ben Eliyahu recently admitted as much in a radio interview, saying: “Maybe the weakness in our strike is that we did not eliminate the nuclear program, but we did delay it for many years.” His words underline the reality that the campaign was not a strategic victory for Israel.
Ben Eliyahu also warned that Iran had studied the conflict closely and was already adapting. He noted that Tehran had increased the number and accuracy of its missiles, repositioned launch arrays farther east and south, dispersed its assets more widely, and improved its ability to surprise. In other words, the war taught Iran valuable lessons, strengthening its defenses and resilience.
For Israel, the choices now appear stark. As Ben Eliyahu put it: “Either you decide on total war with Iran, including a ground invasion and a long period of home front strain and multi-front escalation, or you choose economic pressure alongside attempts to return to negotiations.” His statement reflects frustration that the June war failed to deliver a decisive blow, leaving Israel with no easy path forward in the wake of Iran’s retaliatory strikes, which dealt serious blows to Israel.
For Iran, the outcome was clear. Iran emerged stronger, with its people rallying behind the government. What was meant to be a crippling war became a demonstration of Iran’s endurance and Israel’s limits.
Israel’s new tactic
After failing in the June war, Israel shifted tactics. It now tries to use diplomacy and regional disputes to pressure Iran. The (P)GCC communique is part of this plan. By encouraging the UAE to repeat claims over the islands, Israel hopes to create divisions between Iran and its neighbors to advance Tel Aviv’s agenda.
It is in this context that analyst Mohammad Bayat, an expert in international relations, offers a broader perspective. In an interview with the Tehran Times, he argued that the United States is seeking to secure full control of the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most critical energy corridors. “While it already exerts influence over the southern shore through Bahrain, the northern side presents a different challenge. The strategic islands there remain pivotal, and without control of both shores, Washington cannot achieve full dominance over this strategic waterway,” Bayat said.
He added that Israel is pursuing what he described as a “strategy of a thousand cuts.” By combining strategic and non-strategic strikes, Bayat explained, Israel aims to push Iran to a point where its system could collapse.
“This explains the launch of a broad hybrid war, targeting multiple domains at once: infrastructure, perception, military, intelligence, and the economy,” Bayat said. “For us, this is nothing new — it is a familiar reality we have faced time and again.”
Disclaimer : This story is auto aggregated by a computer programme and has not been created or edited by DOWNTHENEWS. Publisher: tehrantimes.com
