How Germany’s politicians are trying to ‘AfD-proof’ the country

Fears are growing that the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) could form state governments or blocking minorities following regional elections due to take place in Germany in September.

The AfD has been open about its desire to emulate the sort of authoritarian strategies seen in Hungary under Viktor Orban or in Poland under the PiS party – namely, capturing or paralysing the courts, undermining judicial independence and reshaping the state apparatus to eliminate checks and balances.

There are also concerns about the AfD’s ties to Russia. The party’s manifesto calls for lifting sanctions on Moscow, and interior ministers such as Georg Maier (SPD, Thuringia) and Jan Redmann (CDU, Brandenburg) have warned that AfD access to security-related information could compromise Germany’s national security.

So what are German politicians and lawmakers doing to limit how far the party could go if it does take power?

Stress-testing the system in Saxony-Anhalt

There is  real possibility that the AfD party could take charge of the eastern state of Saxony-Anhalt after the upcoming election there in September.

A party could theoretically secure more than 50 percent of the parliamentary seats in that state – allowing them to govern without a coalition partner – with just 38 to 42 percent of the vote, if some of the parties with less support in the state fail to cross the five percent mark which is required to enter parliament.

Recent polls suggest the AfD had the support of more than 40 percent of voters in the state.

READ ALSO: ‘Welcome culture to farewell culture’ – The AfD’s plans for Saxony-Anhalt

Partly as a result of these calculations, Saxony-Anhalt has become a testing ground for how to prepare institutions for a potential AfD breakthrough. 

A broad alliance of parties in the state – CDU, SPD, Greens, FDP and The Left – passed a parliamentary reform designed specifically to keep the system functioning under “difficult majority conditions”.

This reform focuses on preventing the abuse of power by any future government. For example, a Minister‑President will no longer be able to unilaterally terminate important state treaties, including those governing public broadcasting. This directly addresses the AfD’s stated intention to dismantle or reshape public media structures.

Within parliament itself, rules have also been changed so that the largest party can no longer indefinitely block the election of a parliamentary president.

This happened in Thuringia in 2024, when the newly elected state parliament descended into chaos because the oldest member (from the AfD), acting as temporary speaker, used procedural rules to block other parties from proposing candidates for the parliamentary presidency.

Efforts are also underway to make it much harder for any future government to interfere with judicial oversight. Proposed changes would grant constitutional status to key rules – like judges’ term limits and the legal force of court decisions – from ordinary law to constitutional status. This means that changing the rules would require a two-thirds majority going forwards.

READ ALSO: Are Germany’s current citizenship laws at risk after far right’s latest bid?

Ulrich Siegmund, AfD top candidate for the 2026 state election in Saxony-Anhalt, speaks in Magdeburg. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Hendrik Schmidt

Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania

The AfD is also polling strongly in the north-eastern state of Mecklenburg‑Western Pomerania, at around 36 percent according to recent surveys.

Mecklenburg‑Vorpommern is the only German state which has a lower proportion of residents with a migration background than Saxony-Anhalt at just 10.7 percent

While most observers believe the AfD is unlikely to secure an outright majority here, a strong showing could complicate coalition-building or give the party increased leverage through a blocking minority – that is, enough seats in parliament to block measures suggested by the governing coalition.

In the state, the AfD is reportedly preparing a “government programme” that includes stricter migration policies, a “deportation police,” and measures to weaken public broadcaster NDR.

But despite these plans and the apparent swell of popular support, attempts to introduce protective constitutional changes – similar to those in Saxony-Anhalt – have stalled.

According to the progressive NGO Campact, this is because the conservative CDU has so far blocked proposals from other democratic parties.

READ ALSO: How Germany’s leaders are empowering the far right

Federal politics

At the federal level, preparations are moving beyond politics into structural change.

German democracy is often described as a wehrhafte Demokratie – a system designed to defend itself against anti-democratic forces – and policymakers are increasingly attempting to use the tools at their disposal.

One major focus is the judiciary. The federal government under Chancellor Friedrich Merz is working to enshrine key aspects of the Federal Constitutional Court in the constitution itself, meaning they could only be changed with a two‑thirds majority (rather than a simple majority).

This is intended to prevent any future government from reshaping the country’s highest court to its advantage.

But by far the most controversial idea remains a potential ban on the AfD under Article 21 of the Basic Law, supported by nationwide campaigns such as “Defend Human Dignity – Ban the AfD Now!” and “Stand Up Against Racism”

Civil society groups and legal teams in Germany are currently gathering evidence against the AfD, while experts such as political scientist Rolf Frankenberger argue there may already be sufficient grounds to pursue a ban.

On the eve of Constitution Day (May 23rd), Schleswig-Holstein’s SPD parliamentary group reiterated its demand for a ban, arguing that democracy must not be naïve in the face of its enemies.

Inevitably, however, there are concerns that pursuing a ban risks generating sympathy for the party – and that a failed attempt risks making its goals appear legitimate.