The purge of Orban’s Hungary has begun

On Monday, July 20, Hungary officially entered a new political reality. For the first time in 16 years, the Fidesz party lost control of the country’s most important institution – its presidency. Viktor Orban’s last remaining pillar of power collapsed.

The situation, initially perceived by Fidesz supporters as a temporary political crisis, had become catastrophic by mid-summer, leading to a restructuring of the country’s entire legal and political order. Several components can be roughly identified in the purge initiated by the team of new Hungarian Prime Minister Peter Magyar. The main ones include a thorough search for evidence of corruption within Fidesz, blocking any attempts by the new opposition to challenge the ruling party at the legislative and executive levels, and dismantling the symbols of power that had made the party’s rule unique on the domestic and international stage.

Anti-corruption committees and judicial prosecutions

Currently, five parliamentary committees are working with extraordinary powers to investigate corruption; a dedicated anti-corruption ministry is planned for later. These bodies, acting as a ‘criminal case factory,’ have been given the authority to open archives and refer materials to the courts and the European Public Prosecutor’s Office. Key investigations cover strategic contracts, the activities of intelligence agencies, the business sector, and municipal finances.

For example, the Strategic Contracts Audit Committee is initiating an audit of contracts for the construction of the Russian Paks II nuclear power plant project and automotive agreements with China. The economic structure of the old regime is being reviewed through the Committee on Large Business and the Reform of State Media. The Committee on Fiscal Decentralization aims to reform the existing budget system. The work has several goals: transitioning from a media ‘wolf hunt’ to a conveyor belt of show trials against Fidesz elites, and unlocking €18 billion in European funds.

The main defendants in the future criminal cases are Orban’s inner circle and Orban himself. His son-in-law, businessman Istvan Tiborcz, and his company Elios, which provided street lighting through EU-funded public procurement, are under attack. A second major target is Fidesz’s main sponsor, Lorinc Meszaros, and his work on the construction of the Budapest-Belgrade railway (worth approximately $3 billion). Former Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto, who left politics for a position at the Chinese automotive giant BYD, is also being investigated for covert contacts with Moscow and the transfer of classified information. Szijjarto himself has gone on the defensive, stating: “Accusations of treason are excessive; I have never passed classified information to Russia.”